By Nguyen Hong Thao
Any country that does not make a drastic response to the Chinese claims right from the start, will one day become a victim.
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By Nguyen Hong Thao
The US communication added a voice to the common position of Vietnam, Malaysia, Philippines and Indonesia on consideration of UNCLOS as the sole legal basis for defining, in a comprehensive and exhaustive manner, the scope of their respective maritime entitlements in ...
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By Tomas Jevsejevas
Vietnam is advancing Naval Diplomacy, and it could do much more.
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By Vo Ngoc Diep
The note seems to indicate, for the first time, an official Vietnamese position on the legal status of all high-tide features in both the Spratly and Paracel Islands. It implies that all high-tide features in the Spratly Islands, as well as in ...
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By Thuc D. Pham
Suggestions for lasting peace in the South China Sea and beyond need to incorporate small and medium states as well.
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By Nguyen Thi Lan Anh
"Four-Sha" is a lens through which Chinese long-term ambitious claims over the South China Sea is fully exposed. The current global health crisis provides a window of opportunity for the realisation of Chinese lofty hegemonic dream. While the international community may ...
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By Nguyen Hong Thao
The 2019 Malaysian partial CLCS submission renewed the legal exchanges over the South China Sea. Most of the claimants, except China and Brunei, through their statements and actions, expressed acceptance and support for the 2016 Tribunal Award.
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By Derek Grossman and Logan Ma
If history is a good indication of what to expect in the future, then Beijing is likely to double down on the Maritime Militia in virtually any scenario imaginable. That means it should be a force to be reckoned in the ...
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By Do Thanh Hai
Though recent allegations raise more questions than they provide answers, they should reinforce the need for greater transparency in the South China Sea.
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By Koki Sato
The international community should better understand how potential aggressors can leverage the ambiguity for low-level armed attack or aggression and be prepared to clearly identify it as an internationally wrongful act.
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By Aaron Kelly, Michael Tkacik
To strengthen its position in the Philippines and thus in the first island chain, the United States must achieve two key goals: diversify its diplomatic engagement with Manila and coordinate military resources and strategy.
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By Ulises Granados
As it might be difficult for China and the Philippines to defend their official claims over Scarborough as their own territory before the 20th century in an international court, both countries should engage in constructive negotiations over joint development. This is ...
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By Nguyen Hong Thao
The submission by Malaysia represents a positive step forward for coastal states in the SCS to clarify their claims and seriously discuss maritime delimitation in accordance with UNCLOS and the interpretation of its article 121 (3) by the 2016 Tribunal Award.
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By Do Thanh Hai
As Vietnam stands its ground and attests to the legitimacy of its claims in public, the ball is in Beijing’s court to decide whether China wants to be a responsible emerging power.
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By Nguyen Hong Thao
The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) is one of the most important achievements of international law and the UN in the 20th century and continues to assert its role as the "Constitution of the Seas and ...
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By Satoru Nagao
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe worried that the South China Sea might become a ‘Lake Beijing,’ ... a sea deep enough for PLA navy to base their nuclear-powered attack submarines, capable of launching missiles with nuclear warheads.
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By Derek Grossman
Beijing may be probing the durability of deepening U.S.-Vietnam military-to-military relations. Vietnam has harbored serious questions about the sustainability of U.S. security commitments to allies, let alone what a “free and open” Indo-Pacific Strategy means for U.S. partners. China’s seizure of ...
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By Constantinos Yiallourides
Energy exploration by China and Turkey within the national waters of other nations is contrary to international law – it is upon the international community to steer recalcitrant states towards obedience.
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By Lan Nguyen
As long as the claimant states continue to stand up to China’s excessive claims and defend their legitimate claims endorsed by the arbitral award, and as long as other states around the world do not turn a blind eye to the ...
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By Richard Javad Heydarian
ASEAN, long billed as the most successful model of regional integration in the post-colonial world, has become increasingly powerless in constraining Beijing’s emaciation of a regional rules-based order driven by principles of non-aggression, conflict-avoidance, and liberal multilateralism.
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By Luc Anh Tuan
While China can gain some ground in short term by flexing its muscle, it would risk greater backlash from its neighbors and collective actions from the international community in the long run. China should not interpret regional countries’ patience and restraint ...
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By Swee Lean Collin Koh
Unless there is a firm international response against Chinese actions in Vanguard Bank, there could be similar repeats in the coming years simply because Beijing realises to its glee that coercion pays. It will thereby embolden not only China, but other ...
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By Vo Ngoc Diep
James Kraska and Raul Pedrozo's book is a timely piece of scholarship to facilitate greater understanding about freedom of navigation from American perspective.
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By Bill Hayton
Too often analysts of the South China Sea disputes tend to treat them as somewhat abstract debates over different modes of global governance. We also need to see them as a clear and present danger to the livelihoods and standards of ...
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By Lyle J. Morris
Gray zone tactics have fundamentally changed the operational environment in which the United States and Asian maritime countries operate. Yet these countries remain in the early stages of developing approaches that will better enable them to credibly deter Chinese coercion.
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By Viet Phuong Nguyen
The operation of the fleet of Chinese floating nuclear power plants in the South China Sea carries with it numerous safety and security risks that may have widespread consequences to not only China but also to Southeast Asia and beyond.
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By Alfred Gerstl
The EU is better suited to pursue its interests East Asia through the promotion of multilateral ocean governance and concrete collaboration measures.
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By Richard Javad Heydarian
The only way for a Joint Development Agreement to push through is that Duterte would manage to amend the Philippine constitution, largely ignore his country’s arbitration award victory, and overcome deep-seated public antipathy towards resource-sharing agreements with China.
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By Hoang Do
There is no easy solution to the territorial dispute in the South China Sea, but boosting nationalism to the point of extremeness is not the answer.
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By Sumathy Permal
Malaysia’s approach on South China Sea under Mahathir may provide additional gain for ASEAN collectively, now that Malaysia can provide a strong voice in dealing with China on pushing for a legally binding COC.
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